On being a Christian, not a secular Green

Whilst I have said this in various fora before, I don’t think I have expressed it simply on this blog.

There is a difference – indeed, an ultimate incompatibility – between a Christian perspective and a Green perspective.

I define a Green perspective here as being concerned with preserving the ecological integrity of the planet as an end in itself.

So an analysis of, say, the pollution flowing into a river which kills the fish is, from such a Green perspective, simply a case of saying ‘the river is being harmed’ – and that is sufficient for the original action of pollution to be condemned. To harm the planet is sinful as such.

In response to this, the Green perspective can pursue some balance of technological, limited fixing (eg changing emission limits), or, more profoundly, disengaging or eliminating the industrial practices as a whole. This is the realo/fundi division in Green thought.

The Christian perspective is different. In particular I don’t believe that a Christian perspective can see the environment as an end in itself. To say ‘the river is being harmed’ cannot be the final item in a theological analysis.

In Scripture, disorder in the environment, in the created world, is correlated with human sin. See, for example, Hosea 4. It is because of human sin that the environment suffers. So the analysis moves from ‘the environment is suffering’ to a consideration of the forms of the sin which led to that suffering. The Christian seeks the elimination of the sin, with a glad consequence of restoring environmental health.

So far, this is compatible with the deep green perspective, and this is where I have tended to situate my own thinking. However, it is becoming clearer to me that there remains a tension between the two perspectives.

Firstly, the Christian view sees the creation as held in place by God and, to a very large extent, does not consider humanity to have the capacity to “destroy the earth”. Consequently the degree of fear that a Christian can have for ‘the future of the planet’ can never match that of a Green. This applies especially, it seems to me, with regard to questions of global warming. The more I study the matter the more I become aware of the quasi-religious nature of much of the debate and, in particular, the conscious maximising of a sense of fear.

More important than this, however, is that the criteria for decision making between the Christian and the Green eventually diverge. The Christian is finally concerned with human flourishing; the Green is finally concerned with the health of the planet.

Clearly humans cannot flourish without the planet(!) but equally clearly there are a number of different ways in which the planet can more-or-less flourish with widely differing consequences for humanity. Consider, for example, the consequences of an immediate world-wide ban on the use of fossil-fuels.

There are many ways in which the Christian and Green perspectives overlap, and there is certainly a great deal of common ground in terms of criticising contemporary Western society. I have no dispute with the fundamental Club of Rome analysis that posits limits to growth; that economic growth is itself an idol that needs to be dethroned. Yet the Christian should not be misled by this into forgetting the distinctives of their own perspective.

What I am saying is: it is possible for “nature” (or: “the planet”) to turn into an idol, with inevitable consequences.

Let us be human.

If I was really a conspiracy nut…

In other words, someone who didn’t just believe that we’d been lied to about 9/11, but that it was all a Dick Cheney plot, then I’d be very alarmed by this (H/T OSO) because it would be a signal that the election will be stolen by the Republicans with a view to installing Palin as an Evita-type character.

But of course, Cheney wasn’t responsible for 9/11, so it is all nonsense.

How Canada solved their part of the financial crisis

“In August 2007, it was discovered that Canada, just as the U.S., had a subprime mortgage-backed securities problem. Since the Canadian economy is more than ten times smaller than the American economy, the magnitude of the problem was also smaller, but it was nevertheless acute.

Indeed, Canada’s subprime mortgage market was a smaller proportion of the total mortgage market than in the U.S. and mortgage defaults have not been as prevalent in Canada as in the United States. For instance, there has not been a housing bubble burst in Canada. Overall, risky mortgage-backed paper constituted, about 5 per cent of the total mortgage market, while in the U.S., subprime mortgage paper constitutes about 20 per cent of the total mortgage market, and mortgage defaults have been rising dramatically.

Nevertheless, there was some $32 billion (CAN) of non-bank asset-backed commercial paper in Canada. When this market became illiquid after August 2007, as a consequence of the global credit crisis that originated in the U.S., a restructuring committee was assembled in Canada by large pension plans, Crown corporations, banks and other businesses holding the bulk of $32 billion in non-bank asset-backed commercial paper (ABCP) in order to find a solution to the liquidity problem. (Large Canadian banks covered the asset-backed commercial paper that were on their books or in their money market funds). This was the Pan-Canadian Investors Committee for Third-Party Structured ABCP, chaired by a Toronto lawyer, Mr. Purdy Crawford, and created after a proposal that originated from the large Quebec pension fund, the Caisse de dépôt. This was the Montreal proposal.

The committee ended up proposing to restructure the frozen and illiquid securities into longer-term securities. It proposed that ABCP notes, initially intended as low-risk and short-term debt, be exchanged for new replacement notes or debentures that would not mature for years (seven or nine years) while earning interest originating from the underlying primary mortgages. The plan was approved by a Canadian court last June and is scheduled to close by September 30, after Canada’s Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal against the plan.

The plan was designed to prevent a forced a fire sale of the asset-backed paper and to restore confidence in the Canadian financial system, especially in the money market funds. And it did all that without the government risking a penny of taxpayers’ money.

Of course, those entities that had invested in what they believed to be liquid and relatively high-yield 30- to 90-day debt instruments had to accept new notes maturing within nine years, but most of them thought that this was better than the alternative of outright liquidation. Those investors can hold the newly-issued notes to maturity or they can try to trade them in the secondary market. A market for asset-backed securities was thus indirectly created where none existed before.”

Now why couldn’t the UK be that sensible? (Via ClubOrlov)

Some political confessions

I thought I’d throw up some bullet points on my political perspectives, because, although I would describe myself as a conservative, there are various ways in which that might be misleading, particularly in the US context.

  • I was (with caveats) in favour of the invasion of Iraq, and on balance I still think it was the right decision
  • I think the Bush administration has been culpably incompetent (and radically anti-conservative) and Bush and Cheney should be impeached
  • I think the Bush administration has been actively evil in its support for torture and that Bush should be excommunicated from the church
  • I firmly believe that the truth about 9/11 has not been told, though I am not persuaded that Bush was personally involved in that (I have only come to negative conclusions about this subject, not positive ones)
  • I do believe that radical Islam poses an existential threat to Western Civilisation. I see the standard left-wing consensus – such as it is – as manifestly inadequate for defending western civilisation, and this is one of my main objections to Obama (for an example, see the treatment of Ayaan Hirsi Ali)
  • By the way, in case it isn’t obvious, I believe very strongly in free speech
  • I believe that the Bush administration, whether by active design or inadvertence, has laid the foundations for a new feudalism in the United States
  • I think there is a non-trivial possibility of a far-right Christian fascist autocracy forming in the United States within the next ten years, and a similarly non-trivial possibility of Civil War. My main reason for thinking that those things won’t happen is that the suffering will hit the cities more than the countryside, but I could easily be wrong
  • I find Obama’s vote on abortion abhorrent, unconscionable and unfathomable
  • I am in favour of stem cell research
  • I find McCain’s position on Georgia (shared by Obama) unrealistic and seriously frightening. I would certainly not invite Georgia to be a member of NATO (an institution that is now past its use-by-date)
  • I think the United Nations is, by and large, a waste of space
  • I am strongly in favour of full secular equality for homosexual couples (and I’m phrasing it that way because ‘marriage’ raises theological questions that are a red herring here)
  • I don’t expect any politicians to be saints; it’s just a question of the degree of corruption. I find it remarkable how little investigation there has been of Obama’s background, competence and voting record which seem to me to be much worse than Palin’s
  • I don’t think either candidate has a clue about the nature of the storm engulfing the US economy, nor do I think there is much that either candidate can do about it. I still think the fourth turning is a very good guide to what we are seeing
  • For all his faults – and his faults aren’t lonely for long – I see McCain as more able to exercise an independent perspective than Obama. I’m not convinced that there is anything there with Obama, that is, anything which marks him out as something other than a product of his context
  • I think that George Romero is a prophet, particularly of the US